Friday 26 July 2024

Beauty Recovery Room. By Ji Yeo.

"Back home is a culture where men are judged on their financial balance sheet and women by their beauty. The male-dominated media endlessly reinforces its model of the ideal woman."
Ji Yeo


“I have been struck by the clear distinction between the women I photographed in Korea and Westerners who seek surgery. Whereas in America, women often focus on altering their bodies (breast enlargements being the most popular), in Korea most women focus on facial adjustments such as: making their eyes bigger and wider, minimizing their cheekbones and jaw lines, and making their noses higher and narrower. Whereas sexiness is highly emphasized in America, in Korea, notions of childlike femininity and innocence reign supreme. It is this difference that compels me; regardless of geography or body type women are willing to spend thousands of dollars and endure extreme cuts, bruises, and scarring in order to achieve beauty.”
Ji Yeo


Ji Yeo tracked down women undergoing plastic surgery and asked them to sit for her series "Beauty Recovery Room", a series showing them immediately after their procedures, not in their "new, enhanced" state. 
The idea of recording the moment when they look their worst: showing their bloodstained bandages, bruises, surgical guideline marks, and swollen body is not part of the fantasy of transformation.
Ji Yeo

The women who were willing to cooperate with Yeo were women who did not have support from friends or family. Yeo made a deal by guaranteeing that she would take care of them during the period of transformation (drive them to surgery, pick them up, cook for them, go to the pharmacy etc.) and, in treturn, they would sit for a portrait. Yeo was somewhat shocked to see how pleased the women were immediately after the surgeries (via).
During the photo shoots, even though they were in extreme pain, I could feel their excitement, the excitement of hopes realized. They seemed not to have the fears that I had; in fact, most of them were planning other surgeries in the near future. 
Ji Yeo

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photographs via and via and via and via

Thursday 25 July 2024

"It Made Me Feel Like a Person Again". Social Isolation and Meals on Wheels Social Connection Programmes

Abstract: Social isolation and loneliness are associated with negative health outcomes, and these outcomes are exacerbated among older adults who are homebound. To address this issue, Meals on Wheels programs increasingly provide social connection services to clients in addition to home-delivered meals. This descriptive qualitative study examines the impact of three types of social connection programs on the well-being of homebound older adult clients, as well as on the volunteers and staff members who deliver the programs. 


Thematic analysis of semi-structured interviews conducted with 117 clients, volunteers, and staff in six Meals on Wheels social connection programs across the United States indicated that program participation was associated with substantial benefits. Benefits included the development of supportive friendships, reduced feelings of loneliness, and an improved overall sense of well-being. Insights from this study may inform the development, expansion, and sustainability of social connection programs provided by community-based organizations. (Gadbois et al., 2024)

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- Gadbois, E. A., Brazier, J. F., Turner, J., Hawes, C., Florence, L. C., Belazis, L. (20024). "It Made Me Feel Like a Peron Again": Benefits of Meals on Wheels-Based Social Connection Programs. Journal of Applied Gerontology, link
- photograph by Martin Parr via

Wednesday 24 July 2024

Female Heads of State and Government in (Small) Numbers

According to a Pew Research Center analysis (as of March 2023), women serve as head of government in 13 of the 193 member states of the United Nations. In nine of these 13 countries, the current leader is the first female head of state or government, seven of the 13 countries are in Europe. Fewer than a third of UN countries have ever had a woman leader (via).

- More: List of female heads of state and government, link
- photograph via

Tuesday 23 July 2024

Age Differences in Reactions to Ageist Memes

Abstract: Memes on social media can carry ageist messages and can elicit reactions that are both emotional and self-evaluative. The present study investigates age-related differences in nine discrete emotions and in the evaluation of when individuals have been or will be their best selves. Participants (n = 360) representing young (m = 26 years), middle-aged (m = 39 years) and older adults (m = 63 years) were randomly assigned to view either non-ageist (animals) or ageist (e.g., incompetent older people) memes. After viewing memes, we assessed nine emotional reactions (i.e., fear, anger, sadness, happiness, anxiety, discomfort, disgust, surprise, enjoyment) and Best Self evaluations. 


Younger and middle-aged people reported more intense emotional reactions to memes than older people, with the exception that older people reported more discomfort and disgust in response to ageist versus non-ageist memes. Younger adults were less surprised by ageist memes (vs. non-ageist) and for all age groups ageist memes (vs. non-ageist) elicited less happiness and enjoyment and were less likely to be shared. With respect to evaluations of one's Best Self, older individuals were more likely to report being their best selves in the past, while after viewing ageist memes, younger individuals were more likely to report being their best selves in the future. Emotions of disgust and discomfort were related to identifying one's Best Self as further in the past. The current study adds to the literature on the impact of ageism by examining age-related differences in the emotions and self-evaluations experienced when confronted with memes on social media. (Kahlbaugh et al., 2024)

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- Kahlbaugh, P., Ramos-Arvelo, J., Brenning, M. & Huffman, L. (2024).  Age differences in emotional reactions to ageist memes and changes in age of one's Best Self. Journal of Aging Studies, link
- photograph by Garry Winogrand (1928-1984) via

Monday 22 July 2024

Camp I Am

Years ago, a mother of a gender non-conforming child in a rural area in the United States organised a small summer camp where her child and children of three other families could openly wear the clothes they want and be who they are. Their siblings realised that they were not the only ones whose brothers (almost all campers were assigned male at birth) wanted to be princesses and the parents found support. More families started going to the camp. The organisers insisted on avoiding advertising and kept long interviews with families interested in participating since they did not want to attract anti-queer trolls. The camp closed in 2016. Today, there are dozens of camps in the U.S. and many of the campers are young adults (via and via).

Lindsay Morris was one of the parents. She took her child, Milo, then aged seven, there and spent eight years photographing the summer camp.

These kids didn’t believe that other kids like themselves even existed. It still gives me chills thinking about [these kids] meeting each other for the first time. They were all so similar, all so alike in what they loved — and the parents just cried and cried.
Lindsay Morris

I came to this project not just as a documenter, but as a participant. When my son was three years old, we began to notice his fascination with his reflection, teetering in my heels, the higher the heel the brighter he shone. It was through observing him as he anxiously and joyously layered on and tore off bright fabrics, all the while despairing that he was not born a girl, that I began to seek out other families with like-minded children. This resulted in my deeply personal engagement with this pioneering community.
Lindsay Morris

"It's really just a very safe place for them where they don't have to look over their shoulders and where they're experiencing 100 percent support from their family members and siblings. It's very important to us that the siblings attend camp so that they can see their brother or sister being celebrated.​ (...) 

(Asked about anxieties parents have) I think the biggest concern is bullying at school. Often the children might be excluded from activities—especially sleepovers and birthday parties—because the other parents aren't really open to having a child who is atypical in their midst. That's why the parents of these kids have become the most incredible advocates. They just hope to normalize gender non-conformity.

A lot of these kids experience low-grade bullying. It creates a lot of stress and anxiety about going to school or being in public places because of the fear of being excluded. However, if the school is very progressive and keeps an open dialogue, it can be great. Schools have such power to normalize gender non-conformity; some choose to and some really push against it.

(...) The images don't really convey the wild frenzy of camp. They're more flowing and poetic while the camp is kind of a beautiful chaos. The kids are constantly changing clothes and dolls; they're like immediate kin and friends. It's very moving for the parents, most of all.

The parents spend a lot of time together and they realize it isn't just their child. But not every parent who goes there is fully on board. It's difficult, it's a transition. If you're there you're there because you love your child, they know it's a move in the right direction. I hate to say it but a lot of the fathers—especially the fathers—come in a little bit shell shocked. This is not the little boy they anticipated raising and they're doing the best they can because they want their children to have a healthy life and a healthy mental state that comes from the support of your parents."

Lindsay Morris

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photographs by Lindsay Morris via and via and via and via and via

Friday 19 July 2024

Tyler Mitchell's Sense of His Own Historical Moment

Tyler Mitchell's photographs are "a counterpart to the pernicious stereotypes that have long dominated visual culture" by showing Black people in different ways they might "look, dress and act", for instance, enjoying leisure time. Probably due to their soft light, pastel colours, and settings, Mitchell's photographs do not look politicial at first glance (via).

Mitchell was born in Atlanta in 1995. Skateboarding led him to photography, he then studied film and television at New York University and, in 2015, self-published a book about skaters in Havana. Three years later, aged 23, he was commissioned to photograph Beyonce for a Vogue issue. He became the first Black photographer to shoot the cover of Vogue (via).

This idea of my community and my friends, young black men and women, being able to enjoy pleasure, or leisure time — that’s revolutionary. I think about the pleasures and the freedoms we’ve been denied historically — or the way that free time and leisure time, for us, have been framed as something potentially violent.
Tyler Mitchell

Mitchell seems to have "a clear sense of his own historical moment". He believes that being a Black photographer carries a different weight since just a short while ago Black people could not afford cameras (via).

I’m indulging myself in the way that making pictures for me is a form of protection. I’m able to create and live out these little moments or small figments of dreams in which Black people exist within the space of a frame where they are unencumbered. They’re not having to be hypervigilant about social and political dangers, the hypothetical threat of a white gallery space, or any of these things that remind them to get out and stay out.
Tyler Mitchell 

Mitchell's work was partly inspired by Tumblr where he noticed that most of the images of free and sensual young people showed whites. He uses the documentary approach to capture Black identity "in an equally close and vulnerable light" (via).

People like Ryan McGinley and Larry Clark were just two examples of images that seem to proliferate the most on those types of platforms. They seem to get the most re-blogs or people would always repost them. Their most iconic images would usually be white youths, very sensuous and beautiful, enjoying life in groups in Paris or on road trips, you know So I’m thinking about my experiences and trying to make art about my experiences in the South. Being black and middle class, I think about the self-policing that has to happen within our community here. It’s baked into our psyche that we’re maybe not allowed to, or that we’re not supposed to, behave in those ways outwardly in society or perform those sentiments of joy… Obviously, we do enjoy leisure time, that’s a global thing. But my work is about bringing forward these ideas of leisure and play as radical things, because we’ve societally, politically, and within ourselves—in our psyche—been prevented from enjoying those freedoms. Utopia, by definition, isn’t achievable. Photography, by definition, is about constructing an image and framing an image and a point of view on the world. I’m playing with these ideas, the fantasy of things that are not real, or that I would want to be real.
Tyler Mitchell

I think the images suggest [a] core fundamental resilience, radiance and full human agency that Black folks command, even in environments that tell them otherwise.
Tyler Mitchell 

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photographs by Tyler Mitchell via and via and via and via and via and via

Monday 15 July 2024

The Mortality Impact of Heat Waves on Different Age Groups

Heatwaves in Europe, becoming more and more common, have a disproportionate impact on older people. In 2021, 90% of heat-related deaths in the United Kingdom were among people aged 65 and older. When France had its deadliest heatwave in 2003, most of the 150,000 people who died were older (via). 

Masselot et al. (2023) analysed data of 854 European cities from thirty countries (27 EU, Norway, Switherland, UK) with more than 50,000 inhabitants to study the mortality impact of high temperatures on different age groups.. Average temperature-related mortality relative risks (RR) showed an increasing trend by age. The city with the highest heat-related mortality risks was Paris - across all ages and for the age group 85 and older in particular. Generally, effects were larger for the oldest age group with three to four excess deaths due to heat per 100,000 person-years (38% of the total burden for heat). In contrast, there was less than one per 100,000 person-years in the youngest age group. Overall, i.e., considering heat and cold, those aged older than 85 contributed about 40% of the total mortality burden. 

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- Pierre Masselot, Malcolm Mistry, Jacopo Vanoli, MSc Rochelle Schneider, Tamara Iungman,  David Garcia-Leon,  Juan-Carlos Ciscar,  Luc Feyen,  Hans Orru,  Aleš Urban,  Susanne Breitner Veronika Huber,  Alexandra Schneider,  Evangelia Samoli,  Massimo Stafoggia,  Francesca de’Donato,  Shilpa Rao,  Ben Armstrong,  Mark Nieuwenhuijsen,  Ana Maria Vicedo-Cabrera,  Antonio Gasparrini (2023). Excess mortality attributed to heat and cold: a health impact assessment study in 854 cities in Europe. The Lancet, 7(4), 271-281, link
- photograph by Martin Parr via

Wednesday 10 July 2024

Days With My Father. By Phillip Toledano.

"My Mum died suddenly on September 4th, 2006 After she died, I realized how much she’d been shielding me from my father’s mental state. He doesn’t have alzheimers, but he has no short-term memory, and is often lost. I took him to my mother’s funeral, and to the burial, but when we got home, he’d ask me every 15 minutes where my mother was. I’d explain carefully that she had died, and we’d been to her funeral. This was shocking news to him Why had no-one told him? Why hadn’t I taken him to the funeral? Why hadn’t he visited her in the hospital? He had no memory of these events. After a while, I realized I couldn’t keep telling him that his wife had died. He didn’t remember, and it was killing both of us, to re-live her death constantly. I decided to tell him she’d gone to Paris, to take care of her brother, who was sick. And that’s where she is now.


 (...) I have so many memories of him listening to opera, sketching, painting, sculpting. Although he doesn't paint anymore, he still sees. He still has the artistic impulse. (...) The urge is still there, even if the physical ability is not ...


(...) For just a few minutes, everything almost feels normal again. My mum isn't dead, and we're not pretending she's gone to Paris. She's popped out to the store, and she'll be back shortly. How sweet that would be.


(...) It's amazing. My father is so appreciative of the love he receives. Each visit is an incredible gift, to  him, and to me, as though we're both drinking deeply from the same well, for one last time. He's always talking about how much he loves me. What a genius he thinks I am. How glad he is that Carla is part of our (tiny) family. These are things he's never told me before. I'm so glad we have this time together.

(...) Sometimes when we are talking, my dad will stop and sigh, and close his eyes. It's then that I know that he knows. about my mum. About everything.


My dad died yesterday. I spent the whole night with him, holding his hand (...). Just last week, on his 99th birthday, I asked him how old he thought he was. Grinning, he said: "22 and a half?" Now he's gone to Paris, to meet my mum."


photographs by Philipp Toledano via

Monday 8 July 2024

"In the midst of a moment of freedom, you’re forced to face yourself.’ A Glint of Possibility, Tyler Mitchell, 2022

"The American south is a verdant place, full of beautiful and seductive environments, but it’s also threatening, when you think about its racial and political history. Atlanta, where I was born and raised, is one of the greenest cities in the US, basically a city in a forest. I am an only child and had a lot of free time to meditate in these lush spaces. Raised in the suburbs, I went to school in a predominantly white area, which forced me to think about my own Blackness and my relationship to the world around me.

I’ve been making photographs since I was a teenager, primarily oriented around young Black life. My shots are theatrical, staged images, often exploring the psychological relationship young, Black, creative people have with outdoor spaces, specifically in the south.

For this shot, which I called A Glint of Possibility, I thought about a boy on a tyre swing and all the connotations that has, like freeform and “hang time”. The artist and cinematographer Arthur Jafa talks about this in a very different sense. There’s an image that appears in a lot of his exhibitions: I believe it’s a member of the band Bad Brains jumping into the crowd. He has these theories about how Black people hang and jump through space in style, in a beautiful way. So I thought about a boy hanging off a tyre swing, a symbol of fun, leisure, relaxation, all that good stuff. But he’s almost looking at his reflection in the lake in a potentially scary way. Like when you see yourself in a mirror and you’re startled – in a moment of freedom, you’re forced to face yourself.

I chose the title because a glint refers to a refraction of light, a refraction of oneself, and then there’s possibility – all of the moments before and after this moment. A possibility in a boy’s life, to set oneself free, to fly, or to hang there freely – all of those things come to mind with this picture. (...)"

Tyler Mitchell


Above: Treading, 2022

“I kept coming back to the power of water. As Black folks, we constantly have this relationship to water that can be spiritually beautiful and restorative while also carrying the connotations of struggle in how we passed through the transatlantic slave trade. I was struck by the beauty of swimming through mud. It’s a struggle and eerie, but it also has so much radiance and beauty. I’m interested in these allusions of freedom and transcendence.”
Tyler Mitchell

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photographs by Tyler Mitchell via and via

Saturday 6 July 2024

Borrowed Time. Photographs by Dennis Darling.

In 2012, Dennis Darling started photographing the ageing population of Holocaust survivors of Terezin, once a holiday resort for the nobility, then turned into a ghetto, then concentration camp. Officially, Terezin had not been an extermination camp. However, about 33,000 people died there due to malnutrition, disease and other reasons. From there, about 88,000 were deported to Auschwitz and other extermination camps. 


Above: Andula Lorencova née Weinsteinova, b. 1927, Prague, 2012

When the war ended, there were only 17,247 survivors. Dennis Darling made more than 150 portraits of survivors in seven countries. Many of the survivors are photographed within personal spaces (via).

In late 1943 an inspection of Terezin was demanded by Christian X, king of Denmark, to determine the condition of 466 Danish Jews sent there in October of that year. The review panel was to include two Swiss delegates from the International Red Cross and two representatives of the government of Denmark. The Nazis permitted these representatives to visit Terezin in order to dispel rumors about the extermination camps.

The Germans immediately engaged in an infamous beautification program – “Operation Embellishment,” a ruse intended to mollify the king’s concerns. Weeks of preparation preceded the visit. The area was cleaned up, and the Nazis deported many Jews to Auschwitz to minimize the appearance of overcrowding in Terezin. Also deported in these actions were most of the Czechoslovak workers assigned to "Operation Embellishment". The Nazis directed the building of fake shops and cafés to imply that the Jews lived in relative comfort.

 

The inspection was held on June 23, 1944 (...).

The Danish Jews whom the Red Cross visited lived in freshly painted rooms, not more than three in a room. (...)

As part of the charade the Nazis compelled Schächter to give a performance of the Requiem. According to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, the Red Cross issued “a bland report about the visit, indicating that the representatives were taken in by the elaborate fiction.” Eichmann was later quoted as having said, “Those crazy Jews—singing their own requiem.” Rafael Schächter was deported to Auschwitz on October 16, 1944, and died the following day in the gas chamber.

Following the successful use of Terezin as a supposed model internment camp during the Red Cross visit, the Nazis decided to make a propaganda film there. It was directed by Jewish prisoner Kurt Gerron, an experienced director and actor. Shooting took eleven days, starting September 1, 1944. After the film was completed, most of the cast and the director were deported to Auschwitz. Gerron was murdered by gas chamber on October 28, 1944. (via)


Above: Otto Greenfield, North Yorkshire, England


Above:Raja Zadnikova, Prague

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photographs by Dennis Darling via and via and via

Friday 5 July 2024

Santu Mofokeng: Testing How Many Eccentricities a Picture Can Tolerate before it Breaks apart

Santu Mofokeng (1956-2020) was a South African photographer and member of the Afrapix collective. He started working under the sign of David Goldblatt, his teacher, but showed a different approach. While Goldblatt's photographs were rather careful, precise, "pointed and outwardly political", Mofokeng's work was marked by feelings of alienation testing "how many eccentricities a picture can tolerate before it breaks apart". Mofokeng, according to an article, "portrayed the feelings of black South Africans, and in doing so examined their country's collective subconscious" (via).

photograph (16 June Commemoration, Regina Mundi, Soweto, 1986) by Santu Mofokeng via

Monday 1 July 2024

Abendlied. By Birthe Piontek.

I worked on the series for about seven years – from 2011 until 2018. In the first two years, I wasn’t sure what I was doing; little was I aware that the project might end up in a book. I just had the urge to express what I saw and felt when I visited my family in Germany. It was the time where my mother showed the first signs of Dementia; however, we weren’t sure about that back then, or better: we were in denial. 


But something was shifting; she was slowly slipping away, and so was the house I grew up in. After two years of working on the project, I found that I had started to develop a visual language for what was going on, and I also knew what I wanted to say. However, like with any project, it takes a lot of trial and error and a lot of time to refine ideas and images. It was especially challenging as I wasn’t physically present on an ongoing basis and only had a few weeks each year to work on it. But in many ways, the breaks were also useful to digest what I worked on and let ideas simmer.


(...) For a long time, while working on the series, I was afraid that this might not be the case, that the images would be “too personal” and the viewer wouldn’t be able to access it. I think, as much as this project is a personal one, it is also very universal. In many ways, the materials I’m working with are universal, too, even though they might have a specific meaning for my family. But the viewer knows what these materials are. One knows about the symbolic meaning of collected teeth, hair, or precious porcelain. We all have versions of these mementos in our homes. And, at some point in our lives, we all encounter losses and the accompanying grief. We understand the power and workings of change and we understand when something comes to an end. Maybe, it’s not so much the materials, but the universality of these experiences that make it possible for the viewer to enter the work – and feel it.

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photographs by Birthe Piontek via and via and via and via and via

Friday 28 June 2024

Women and Smoking Stigma in South Korea

Generally speaking, fewer women smoke than men. There are however, cultural and regional variations and greater gender differences are found in South Korea, Indonesia, and China, compared to Europe and the United States. South Korea, for instance, has the highest male smoking rate and the lowest female smoking rate of all (OECD) countries (Park et al., 2014). The World Health Organization (2017) estimates that 40% to 50% of men and 4% to 8% of women in Korea smoke; according to the OECD (2015) it is 31.3& of males and 3.4% of females (Gunter et al., 2020). Gender is a factor.

Women may encounter negative social attitudes toward women's smoking. This stigma can have an impact on their smoking cessation motivation and concealment (David et al., 2024). Korean women, for instance, underreport their smoking activity because of the stigmatisation. This stigma may prevent many Korean woman from smoking (Woo, 2018). Using biological indicators (urinary cotitine concentration), others come to the conclusion that the "actual female smoking rate is significantly highere than official records state" and that the social desirability bias produces results that underestimate the number of female smokers (Park et al., 2014).

This study shows that the actual female smoking rate is significantly higher than that reported officially, but also that the gap is decreasing steadily. Females exhibited a higher rate of false responses, which resulted in an underestimation of the female smoking rate. (Park et al., 2014)

Concealment is not really surprising given harsh reactions might be possible as the following two anecdotes imply:

"I was a bit tipsy and felt like a puff. After I lit the cigarette, a random middle-aged man came up to me and started shouting as if I had done something very bad. He said, ‘I will slap your face if you don't throw your cigarette away right now.' He called me ‘dirty little woman.'" (Kim, 26)

"When I was smoking outside, an old man shouted at me how dare I, a female, smoke there. People say the social atmosphere about female smoking has changed but this kind of thing still happens. Men cannot understand how scared women get in those situations." (Lee, 33)

In South Korea, women use heated tobacco products for different reasons than men do, i.e., to avoid the stimga associated with female smoking while men use them to avoid family members putting pressure on them to stop smoking (Kwanwook et al., 2020)

As has been well-established by previous studies, the smell of cigarettes was the main reason for using HTP for both male and female users. Nevertheless, there was a gender difference in the cause for concern about the smell of cigarettes, especially regarding the person(s) to whom participants thought the smell was an issue. Males tended to identify smell as a problem when it came to their familial responsibilities with their wives and children. Many participants felt guilty for using cigarettes due to their harmfulness to health and exposing their family members to secondhand smoke. For these participants, these feelings, usually recognised, and revived by the very smell of tobacco, could be reduced through the use of HTPs with a relatively low odour. Therefore, males were more concerned with the ‘physical’ characteristics of the cigarette smell as a reminder of the harmfulness of tobacco. 

‘When I got married, my wife knew that I was a smoker and did not care too much. But when she got pregnant, she kept telling me, “Your body smells of cigarettes. Don’t come near, it’s bad for a child”. She told me a lot to stop smoking. So, I thought about various ways, and finally bought IQOS which was easily available. I think it would be better to choose one that doesn’t smell to my family.’ (Male, 39 years) 

Unlike the male participants, female participants were more interested in the ‘socio-cultural’ rather than physical characteristics of the tobacco smell. In other words, women were conscious that their tobacco smell would expose their smoking habit in a patriarchal society where female smoking is still a highly stigmatised activity, particularly in the workplace. Therefore, unlike men, they were reluctant to disclose their smoking habit. In particular, women with children were extremely vigilant about concealing such socially unacceptable behaviour as smoking, when among other parents and their children’s teachers, because of the perception that they should be a morally upright ‘agi-eomma’ (a baby’s mother). For these reasons, women chose HTPs to maintain their social status as a righteous working woman or mother.  

‘I should not let my colleagues in the company notice the smell from my smoking. Since my sister introduced me to “lil”, I have used it while working and smoked CCs at home.’ (Female, 22 years)  

‘For me, [the] IQOS has solved every interpersonal problem caused by the smelly cigarette. Now I have been able to avoid uncomfortable gazes, [I am] liberated from the smell, and [I have] improved interpersonal relationships with my children’s teachers or other parents. I used to be unable to smoke openly because I was given kind of a name tag called “agi-eomma” (a baby’s mother).’ (Female, 42 years) (Kwanwook et al., 2020)

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- David, J.-C., Fonte, D., Sutter-Dallary, A.-L., Auriacombe, M., Serre, F., Rascle, N. & Loyal, D. (2024). The stigma of smoking among women: A systematic review. Social Sciene & Medicine, 340, 116-491. Korean Journal of Family Medicine, 41(3)
- Gunter, R., Szeto, E., Jeong, S.-H., Suh, S. & Waters, A. J. (2020). Cigarette Smoking in South Korea: A Narrative Review. 
-  Kwanwook Kim, Jinyoung Kim, Hong-Jun Cho (2020). Gendered factors for heated tobacco product use: Focus group interviews with Korean adults. Tobacco Induced Diseases, 18(43), link
- Myung Bae Park, Chun-Bae Kim,corresponding author Eun Woo Nam & Kyeong Soo Hong (2014). Does South Korea have hidden female smokers: discrepancies in smoking rates between self-reports and urinary cotinine level. BMC Womens Health, 14(156), link
- Woo, C. (2018). Gendered Stigma Management among Young Adult Women Smokers in South Korea. Sociological Perspectives, 61(3), link
- photograph by Nina Ahn via

Wednesday 26 June 2024

A Matter of Dignity: How Minnesota is Failing the Disabled

In 2016, Chris Serres, Glenn Howatt and David Joles interviewed dozens of people for their project "A Matter of Dignity". The five-part series on Minnesota's treatment of people with disabilities started as an inquiry into maltreatment and turned into a six-month investigation exposing systematic segregation and neglect of vulnerable adults with disabilities, people who are denied dignity in housing, at the workplace, in gonvernment services, in romance, and intimacy. The project makes these people visible, humans such as an adult with Down syndrome at a garbage dump collecting trash for two dollars an hour (see photograph), workers with brain injuries scrubbing toilets for half the minimum wage, or a woman with bipolar disorder escaping from her group home and throwing herself in front of a speeding car (via).

A Matter of Dignity: How Minnesota is Failing the Disabled
by Chris Serres and Glenn Howat, 2016 (excerpts):

In a field on the outskirts of town, a man with Down syndrome is spending another day picking up garbage. He wears faded pants, heavy gloves, a bright yellow vest, and a name tag that says “Scott Rhude.” His job is futile. Prairie winds blow debris from a landfill nearby faster than he and his coworkers can collect it. In the gray sky overhead, a turkey vulture circles in wide loops. 

Rhude, thirty-three, earns $2 an hour. He longs for more rewarding work—maybe at Best Buy, he says, or a library. But that would require personalized training, a job counselor, and other services that aren’t available. 

“He is stuck, stuck, stuck,” said his mother, Mary Rhude. “Every day that he works at the landfill is a day that he goes backward.” 

Rhude is one of thousands of Minnesotans with disabilities who are employed by facilities known as sheltered workshops. They stuff envelopes, package candy, or scrub toilets for just scraps of pay, with little hope of building better, more dignified lives. Many states, inspired by a new civil rights movement to integrate the disabled into mainstream life, are shuttering places like this. Not Minnesota. It still subsidizes nearly 300 sheltered workshops and is now among the most segregated states in the nation for working people with intellectual disabilities. 

The workshops are part of a larger patchwork of state policies that are stranding legions of disabled Minnesotans on grim margins of society. More than a decade after the US Supreme Court ruled that Americans with disabilities have a right to live in the mainstream, many disabled Minnesotans and their families say they still feel forsaken—mired in profoundly isolating and sometimes dangerous environments they didn’t choose and can’t escape. 

(...) Minnesota pours $220 million annually into the sheltered workshop industry, consigning more than 12,000 adults to isolating and often mindnumbing work. It also relies more than any other state on group homes to house the disabled— often in remote locations where residents are far from their loved ones and vulnerable to abuse and neglect. And when Minnesotans with disabilities seek state assistance to lead more independent lives, many languish for months—even years—on a waiting list that is now one of the longest in the nation. (...)

Other states are far ahead of Minnesota. Vermont has abolished sheltered workshops and moved most of their employees into other jobs. States across New England place nearly three times as many disabled adults in integrated jobs as Minnesota. Washington offers disabled workers nine months of vocational training and career counselors. (...)

The segregation starts early. As a boy in special education classes, Scott Rhude showed talent with computers and photography. But once he graduated from high school, his mother says, he bounced from one segregated workplace to another, never quite escaping a system that has sometimes amounted to little more than what she calls “babysitting.” 

Away from his job, Rhude has built an independent life. He pays his own rent and shares a house with three friends in Willmar, a town of 19,600 west of the Twin Cities. He sings karaoke, goes on double dates, and started his own book club. His bedroom is packed with trophies from Special Olympics events. “I’m not afraid of anything,” he joked recently, flexing his biceps under a poster of a professional wrestler in his bedroom.

But Rhude’s pursuit of independence ends each morning when the city bus drops him off at West Central Industries, a sheltered workshop on the edge of town. From here, a van takes him to the Kandiyohi County landfill, where he spends the next five hours collecting trash on a hillside as big as two football fields. 

Mary Rhude says she and her son hoped the roving work detail would broaden Scott Rhude’s skills and give him exposure to other employers in Willmar. Instead, she says, it has become a “suffocating” experience that keeps her son isolated from the community. Kristine Yost, a job placement specialist for people with disabilities, calls this system “the conveyor belt.” 

“It’s heartbreaking,” she said, “but time and again, young people get pigeonholed as destined for a sheltered workshop, and then they can’t get out.”

In 1999, the US Supreme Court issued a landmark ruling, known as Olmstead, that prohibits states from unnecessarily confining people with disabilities in special homes or workplaces. In a broad reading of the Americans with Disabilities Act, the court said that fairness demands not just access to buses and buildings, but to a life of dignity and respect. People with a wide range of disabilities —including Down syndrome, cerebral palsy, and autism—call it their “Brown vs. Board of Education.” 

In the ruling’s aftermath, many governors closed state institutions for the disabled and the US Justice Department sued Oregon and Rhode Island to close sheltered workshops. But, sixteen years later, the movement has yet to take hold in Minnesota. 

Under sustained pressure from a federal judge, Minnesota this fall became one of the last states in the country to adopt a blueprint—known as an Olmstead plan—to expand housing and work options for people with disabilities. County officials and social workers have begun consulting disabled clients about their goals and interests. By 2019 the state expects counties to complete detailed, individualized plans spelling out work and housing options for thousands of disabled adults. 

Yet even if it is executed successfully, the state’s plan calls for only modest increases in the number of disabled adults living and working in the community. It makes no mention of phasing out segregated workshops and group homes. Its employment targets, Hoopes said, are “woefully inadequate” and a “lost opportunity.” (...)

Sheltered workshops were designed after World War II to prepare people with disabilities for traditional employment. They caught on in Minnesota, and between 1970 and 1984 the sheltered workforce increased from 700 to 6,000 workers, including thousands of people who needed daily activities after the closing of state mental hospitals. Today, state policy perpetuates the segregation. (...)

From a taxpayer’s perspective, the workshop model is highly inefficient. It costs roughly $52,000 to create a sheltered workshop job that pays at least minimum wage, state records show. That’s nearly ten times the $5,300 it costs to help a disabled worker get a job in the community, according to a 2010 survey by the Department of Human Services. (...)

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photograph via

Tuesday 25 June 2024

Calling the Birds Home. By Cheryle St. Onge.

My mother and I have lived side by side on the same farm for decades. Our love was mutual and constant. She developed vascular dementia, and so began the flushing away of her emotions and her memory. At first I stopped making pictures with her, then I stopped making pictures at all. 



Perhaps as a counterbalance to her conversations of why she wanted to die, of how she imagined she could die. And because I needed some happiness, some light in the afternoon, these portraits of my mother began. At first made with any camera within reach, phone-camera, or 8” x 10” view camera. Made in the moment, as a distraction from watching her fade away. I would make a picture of her, then share that picture of her with others I love. Sharing the act of being in the moment, sharing the ephemeral nature of my looking and her seeing.


Now, when I leave our home, when I leave my mother behind, people find me. They want to tell me their stories and they want to hear mine. It's a beautiful back and forth, much like a true portrait.. Because of the dementia, we have no conversations. But we do still have this profound exchange - the making of a portrait. 


She must recall our history and the process of picture making. Because she brightens up and is always up for what my children would refer to as the long effort with the long camera. That best describes sitting before an 8” x 10” view camera, on top of a tripod with its bellows extended out. My mother does her best and I do mine. And then in turn, I give the picture away to anyone who will look. It is an excruciating form of emotional currency.

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photographs by Cheryle St. Onge via

Monday 24 June 2024

Substance Use: Men vs Women

The American Addiction Centers point out some gender differences in connection with the consumption of illegal drugs. For instance, men are more likely to die of overdose and misuse of prescription than women. Women are more susceptible to craving and relapse. Women are also less likely to inject heroin than men and show the tendency to use smaller amounts in shorter intervals. Those women who do inject heroin, however, are more likely to additionally use prescrption drugs than men and are more at risk of dying from heroin overdose. Women also seem to begin using cocaine sooner and in larger amounts than men. 

Similarly, women start methamphetamine use earlier than men and become comparably more dependent on the substance. Fewer women than men die from prescription opioid overdoses, a trend that seems to be changing since death rates for women increased rapidly. Men are less likely to misuse prescription opioids to self-treat for reasons such as anxiety or stress while women are more likely to take them without a prescription to cope with pain. Generally, the risk of developing a substance use disorder is the same for both genders (via).

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photograph (Man in drug den, Durban, 1985) by Omar Badsha via

Sunday 23 June 2024

Mapping an Emotional Landscape: Urban Anxiety in Johannesburg

The following excerpts are taken from an interview - on urban life in Johannesburg, anxieties, how apartheid shaped the city and on marginalised groups - with Cobus van Staden (CVS) and Nicky Falkof (NF), both based in Johannesburg.

NF: Why anxiety? Well, you can't analyze a political system without considering people's emotions to some extent. What are people afraid of? What do they desire? What identities are they imposing on themselves and on others? Who do they want to be close to? Who do they want to be far from? Emotion structures how we shop, which structures our economies. It underpins the physical ways in which cities are built. But we don't often think about Global South cities in these terms. We don't often grant people the agency and the inner life that we grant people in the Global North. 
If you consider media, cultural production, and literature, you might think about the kind of films that are made about a city like New York, where you have your deep, internal, canonical pieces of text that are all about how someone feels. And then you think of a city like Joburg, where you have films about Apartheid, films about post-Apartheid, films about violence, but never anything about people’s inner lives.

CVS: This is one of the reasons why we focus on anxiety rather than on fear, because anxiety is free-floating. We quote a prominent South African psychologist who calls anxiety "objectless." So you can be anxious about a particular issue, but you can also be anxious, very anxious, about not something specific at all—just a lot of different things—and some are defined and some are not. It is this anxious hum that underlies the experience of living in Joburg.
Because South Africa underwent apartheid, and Johannesburg was built according to apartheid ideas, there are buffer zones, highways, and empty stretches keeping people apart. The history of the city is written on its landscape. But the emotions that result from that history are not as well mapped. Mapping an emotional landscape ended up being our contribution to previous physical mappings done in Joburg.

CVS: Crime is a major reality in Johannesburg. It is a major structuring principle in how the city is built, how people build their houses, how they act in public. But the fear of crime is almost something different than the actual crime problem. When looking at crime statistics in South Africa, one realizes that poor people suffer disproportionately from crime. Crime for poor people is a daily, lived, physical experience. Whereas for more affluent people, the discourse around crime is huge, but they don't have as much of a daily experience of crime.

NF: From an intersectional perspective, crime is a huge issue in terms of gender. South African rates of gender-based violence (GBV) are off the scale. There are horrific stories weekly of women murdered, both by intimate partners and strangers. 
In the book, there are stories written by a young Black woman who traverses Johannesburg in highly precarious ways using public, mini bus taxis. These are dangerous, and young women are often seen as fair game by the drivers and to other men. Crime is, particularly for women, one of the most significant features of life in Johannesburg, because you are constantly hypervigilant. For working-class women much more so than middle-class women, and for women who take public transport much more so than for women who have private transport.

NF: For women, physically being on the streets feels quite dangerous. In Johannesburg, you hear stories of women sexually harassed or even assaulted at taxi ranks or other public spaces, and often it's “because their skirts are too short.”
It’s not just a case of women being easier targets, so it's easier to steal their handbags, or of stereotypes of ravaging sexuality. It's about discipline. There's something in the way that gendered crime manifests in the streets of Johannesburg that is about telling women where they belong and where they don't belong.
Some argue that part of this has to do with the disenfranchisement of a generation of South Africans who were left out of the supposed promises of apartheid when South Africa turned into a neoliberal state. Who do you take your frustration out on? Who's always at the bottom of the pack? It's Black women. I do think that is an oversimplification, but there is something significant in the way in which Black women are consistently disciplined.
We have a huge homelessness problem in the city, and there's a lot of begging. But the majority of these people are men. Where are all the destitute women? Why are they not on the streets? How are they surviving? A lot of women, particularly migrants, end up in very low-level, extremely low-paying prostitution jobs because they're not permitted to survive in other sectors of the city.

CVS: With regard to the LGBTQ community, many transgender migrants come to South Africa because it has constitutional protection for sexual minorities, which other African countries do not. In some ways, South Africa is a kind of promised land for LGTBQ people on the continent. And when one goes to Johannesburg Pride, in particular to Soweto Pride, you really feel that. You can really feel people who come from everywhere, from all of these rural places, and a lot of other countries, to make it to Joburg and you really do feel giddiness in terms of self-expression.
But of course, self-expression also makes one visible in public space, so it becomes a difficult trade-off. For trans people, many of them try and get to Cape Town, because Cape Town has an image of being more LGBTQ-friendly than Johannesburg. But frequently, these migrants end up falling victim to attempts by the South African state to stop migrants from coming to South Africa. The government can't legally stop people from applying for asylum, but it makes the asylum process as difficult as possible, including by forcing LGBTQ migrants already in Joburg to stay in the city.

NF: In South Africa, race talk and crime talk intersect, but race talk is also often quite overt. People are capable sometimes of speaking about race in quite straightforward ways because it is difficult to hide from it. Sara Ahmed makes this point when she talks about the way that scholars in the North write about the “invisibility” of whiteness. She argues, "Well, it might be invisible for you guys, but it's not invisible for us. Because we live with it every day." And because of the racial demographics in this country, it is a lot harder for white people to casually pretend that we’re benign.
In South Africa, the white middle class, although they do use crime as the placeholder for race, are potentially more cognizant of racial issues. That does leave some space for social change because people may be able to acknowledge the inherently racialized nature of their fears, which does not seem to be the case in the United States.

::: full interview: LINK

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photograph (taken in South Africa) by Paul Weinberg via

Saturday 22 June 2024

Age Limits for Blood Donation

The World Health Organization suggests the ideal donor be aged 18 to 65 (via). The American Association of Blood Banks used to bar peope aged over 65 (without written consent from a doctor) from donating blood. The rule was eliminated in 1978; now older people donate blood as long as they wish to and are well (via and via). In other words, healthy older people can - just like healthy younger people - "continue to safely donate and make a significant contribution to the blood supply past arbitrary age limits" (Goldman et al., 2019).

Back in 1996, Janetzko et al. examined blood donation in elderly donors and came to the conclusion that "blood donation in otherwise healthy persons aged over 65 years should be accepted". At the request of the UK Blood Services Forum, Stainsby and Butler (2008) prepared recommendations for the removal of the upper age limit based on an evaluation of available evidence of the safety of accepting blood donors beyond the age of 70. The authors concluded that "donors of whole blood and blood components can safely continue to donate beyond the age of 70, with no absolute upper age limit" if they meet the criteria needed.

In the past, there were concerns about the safety of blood donation for older donors, with upper age limits commonly applied. However, a recent comparative study using data from four countries and comparing deferral and vasovagal rates for whole-blood donation between donors aged 24-70 and 70+ concluded that age-based exclusions from donation based on safety concerns were not warranted [7]. At present, the upper age limit for blood donation differs among blood collection agencies (BCAs) worldwide. (Goldman et al., 2019)

The Bavarian Red Cross no longer has an upper age limit. Both those donating for the first time and those aged over 60 will be tested if they are suitable donators (via). The UK legislation on age limits for donors obliges regular donors to retire on reaching their 70th birthday and component donors on their 66th means discrimination. Stainsby and Butler (2008) point out that an arbitrary upper age limit is hard to justify. In fact, the National Blood Service received written complaints. Between April 2005 and March 2006, 107 complaints were received, including one from a Member of Parliament. The NHS does not accept any first-time donors over 66 and (since 1998) returning donors until they turn 70 but adds that one may continue after the age of 70 as long as one is in good health and has made at least one full donation in the past two years. On their website, the NHS points out that a review of date "suggests that it would be safe to allow older donors to continue past their seventieth birthday" (via). Still, in Italy you can only donate until the age 65 (via), in Japan until 69 (via). The Austrian Red Cross still has a general upper age limit of 70 and 60 for those donating for the first time (via). In the Netherelands, the upper age limit for blood donation was raised from 69 to 79 in 2018 (Quee et al., 2024).

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- Goldman, M., Germain, M., Grégoire, Y., Vassallo, R. (2019). Safety of blood donation by individuals over age 70 and their contribution to the blood supply in five developed countries: a BEST Collaborative group study: SAFETY OF DONATION, OLDER DONORS. Transfusion, 59(4)
- Janetzko, K., Böcher, R., Klotz, K. F., Kirchner, H. & Klüger, H. (1996). Blood donation after reaching 65 years of age. Beitr Infusionsther Transfusionsme, link
- Quee, F. A., Zeinali Lathori, A., Sijstsma, B., Brujns, S. & van den Hurk, K. (2024). Increasing the upper age limit for blood donation: Perspectives from older donors. Vox Sang., link to interesting abstract
- Stainsby, D. & Butler, M. (208). Recommendations for removal of the upper age limit for regular whole blood and component donors. 
- photograph (of Eggleston's grandmother Minnie Maude Mae at her home in Mississippi, 1970-1973) by William Eggleston via

Friday 21 June 2024

Belgium, Country of Hair Cut Equality

According to a poll (UK, 2020), women pay more than twice as much for their haircuts than men. Some women tried to make savings by going to a male barbers but were turned away. 40% of men pay between £10 and 14.99 for their hair cut, 29% between £5 and 9.99, 15% between £15 and 19.99. The price range for women is much wider. The most common range is £20 to 24.99, paid by only 13% of women. The proportions for the ranges £10 to 14.99 and £30 to 34.99 are similar. While only 15% of men pay £15 or more, 78% of women do so. The average price for men is £12.17, the average price for women is £31.99 (via). Belgium has a wonderful idea to solve this problem ...


... by ignoring gender and looking at the time the hair cut consumes.
The country’s hairdressing federation, Febelhair, is advising its members to charge €1.30 (£1.10) a minute, regardless of the customer’s gender. “A distinction between prices for men and women should no longer persist in 2024,” said a Febelhair spokesperson, Charles-Antoine Huybrechts, on Belgian radio.
Charlotte Jacob, the owner of the Brussels salon De Wakko Kapper, is a fan: “We need 40 minutes for people who want a completely new cut. But whether you’re a man or a woman, you pay the same.” (via)
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photograph by William Eggleston via